• Trump's Odds Of Winning In 2020
• Trump's Odds Of Winning Re-election

Trump has many paths to victory, enthusiasm on his side: Hannity. Sean Hannity weighs in on Trump’s reelection chances, slams Biden on policy proposals. A spokesperson said: 'Over the last week, 39.7 percent of all bets on the 2024 Election winner have backed Trump, despite the 74-year-old being priced as third favorite. 'Some bookies have cut odds.

It seems safe to say that the 2020 presidential election did not turn out the way that President Donald Trump wanted. Since Election Day, Trump has spent his days tweeting about how he didn't actually lose the election, and if he did, it's because it was 'rigged.' Trump has attempted to mount legal challenges in states such as Pennsylvania and Georgia, while Trump's personal lawyer (and the last person in the world to discoverBorat) Rudy Giuliani has spent his days claiming without evidence that the election was marred by fraud.

Trump's tactics are unlikely to earn him any new supporters, nor are they likely to actually change the outcome of the election. President-elect Joe Biden will take the oath of office on Jan. 20, 2021, and his administration will begin. However, since Trump has only served one term, it is possible for him to run again in 2024. This possibility is not lost on No. 45, who, according to The New York Times, is considering announcing another run upon leaving the White House in January 2021.

If Trump did announce a candidacy for 2024, would he actually stand a chance of winning? Here's what political and corporate advisor Dr. Reneé Carr and other analysts had to say about it.

With Donald Trump involved, anything could happen

Only one president, Grover Cleveland, has been voted out of office and then gone on to serve another term, but Dr. Reneé Carr told The List that President Donald Trump may have a chance of becoming the second. 'Trump will continue to stoke the emotions and energy of his loyal voter base through claims of election fraud,' Carr said, adding that repeating claims of a stolen election could be effective. 'By his continued accusations of the election being 'stolen' from him, this prevents psychological closure of the election for both himself and those who voted for him,' Carr explained, saying it could 'intensify his voters' loyalty.'

That being said, the next four years are an open book, and the country has no idea what the political climate of 2024 might look like. Carr projected that 'if President-elect Biden can provide significant economic recovery to America — especially to families of auto industry workers and other blue-collar occupations — as well as provide meaningful and immediate tax cuts for small businesses' it could 'greatly decrease Trump's chances of being reelected.' If Americans have learned anything over the course of Trump's presidency, it's to expect the unexpected.

Donald Trump could run as a third-party candidate in 2024

Whether or not Donald Trump's hypothetical third run for president is successful or not, the very idea still presents challenges to his party. Writing for Newsweek, Joshua Spivak noted that while others have tried to run for president again after losing as the incumbent, only one, Grover Cleveland, has been successful. Oftentimes, they end up running as third party candidates, splitting the votes for their former party, Spivak noted.

In 1912, Theodore Roosevelt lost the Republican nomination to sitting-President William Taft. Roosevelt ran under the Progressive Party instead, soundly defeating Taft in both the popular vote and Electoral College, but still losing to the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson, according to Spivak's op-ed in Newsweek. Martin Van Buren reportedly tried a similar tactic in 1848, running as a candidate for the Free Soil Party, which helped carry Whig Party candidate Zachary Taylor into the White House.

Trump's Odds Of Winning In 2020

The fear is the same for Republicans if Trump attempts another run in 2024. There are certainly other Republican candidates who are already eying the opportunity to run in the next election, and Trump would still have to campaign against them in the primary. If he did lose the primary and chose to run as a third-party candidate, whether as a Libertarian or something else, the fear for Republicans is that his supporters will still vote for him over the Republican nominee, essentially handing the election to the Democrats.

Another Donald Trump run could 'cast a shadow' over the primary

If Donald Trump chooses to run for president again, and makes that declaration years in advance, it could freeze the Republican primary from happening in any meaningful way. Alex Isenstadt of Politico noted that Trump's 'flirtation with a 2024 bid ensures he'll remain the dominant force in the party and cast a shadow over anyone looking to succeed him.' While not an official rule, the norm in modern party politics is to support the incumbent candidate if they choose to run for another term, especially when that candidate is the sitting president. For example, in 2020, there was no Republican incumbent in the White House to challenge Trump before he accepted the party's nomination.

Even if Republican candidates did attempt a run against Trump in 2024, it may be difficult to distinguish themselves and build a network of donors to stage an effective run. As Republican Sen. Marco Rubio (pictured right) told Fox News, 'If [Trump] runs in 2024, he'll certainly be the front-runner and will probably be the nominee.'

It's impossible to predict what's going to happen within the next four years, but one this is for sure: truly anything could happen.

Our mission to help you navigate the new normal is fueled by subscribers. To enjoy unlimited access to our journalism, subscribe today.

You often hear political pundits claim that the contest for the White House is a remarkably stable one. It’s true that Joe Biden has enjoyed a consistent lead in the average of battleground polls that’s toggled for months in a relatively narrow range between 5% and his current edge of 3%, the same margin he held in early September. But the polls look backward, reflecting voter preferences that are often five days old, or even further out of date. The data that best reflect where the race stands in real time, minute by minute––the prices gamblers are paying on the political betting sites––show a battle that’s turned wildly volatile in the closing days.

The proof is the fluctuating fever chart for each of the three states that together constitute a must-win for Trump: North Carolina, Arizona, and Pennsylvania. The odds in the Tar Heel State careen from red to blue practically by the hour. In Pennsylvania and Arizona, where he’s never led, the red line is zigzagging from steep dips that should give the Democrats comfort, to spikes toward even money that should make them nerve-janglingly nervous.

“Over the past week, we’ve seen few if any events that have moved the market. Instead, the big theme has been a jump in bettors’ uncertainty about the outcome, in different states and overall,” says Thomas Miller, a data scientist at Northwestern University who harvests the data from the U.S. gaming venue Predictit.org to project overall odds each hour, posted on Twitter @virtualtout. “We’re now seeing far and away the greatest volatility in the entire campaign.”

The gambling sites show big, sudden shifts, with Trump pulling closer

Miller’s model uses data from odds on Predictit from all 56 jurisdictions that hold electoral votesr take all states, the District of Columbia, three in Nebraska and four in Maine). He then marshals machine learning to run one million hypothetical elections an hour using Monte Carlo simulations that incorporate a broad range of possible outcomes in each state. He distills all the number-crunching into two forecasts that move in tandem: The number of electoral votes Biden is most likely to win, and the Democratic candidate’s odds of victory. Miller posts those benchmarks each hour on Twitter @virualtout, along with a graph that shows the trajectory of the votes and odds. Displayed on the curve are key events that are aligned with the ups and down for each candidate, from Trump’s brutish performance in the first debate and COVID-19 diagnosis that depressed his chances, to Michelle Obama’s heartfelt video and the “60 Minutes” interview that lifted Biden’s fortunes.

Trump's Odds Of Winning Re-election

Miller prefers betting odds to polls for three main reasons. First, prices the gamblers are paying for each contender are posted instantaneously, so the odds are always up-to-the-minute, versus surveys that reflect opinions that are several days old. Second, the bettors aren’t expressing an opinion on whom they’ll vote for, meaning whom they think should win, but putting “skin in the game” by risking their own cash. Third, the “sample size” on PredictIt is much larger than for any poll. The site has over 100,000 active U.S. investors across all of political markets.

At mid-day on November 2, @virtualtout put Trump’s odds of winning at 23%, versus 77% for Biden, rating the former Vice President a three-to-one favorite. But what’s gripping is how much that number’s jumped around in the last few days. It’s helpful to review the undulations in the forecast since the start of September. From September 1 to October 12, Biden’s chances of victory consistently stood at over 90%, hitting 94% and 326 electoral votes at the peak. Then, Trump surged back when he returned to barnstorming looking vital and eager for combat. By October 28, he was posting his best numbers of the entire campaign at 25.3%. In less than three weeks, his oddshas swelled from on in ten to one in four.

Then the race turned hugely volatile. Trump’s attack on Leslie Stahl during on “60 Minutes,” appeared to rile female voters. By October 30, just two days after hitting his summit, his virtualtout number had shrank by eleven points to 14.3%, or one chance seven. But in twenty four hours, Trump staged a stunning reversal, hitting 23.5% at 11:20 PM on Saturday, October 31. Six hours later, late on Sunday afternoon, he’d fallen back to 18.3%. Then, Trump roared back once again to 23% Monday morning, a gain of 4.7 points, before falling back to 22.8% by early afternoon. Miller puts his electoral vote count at 241, 56 shy of Biden’s projected 297. Hence, Trump’s chance has improved from less than one in five to, at times, around one in four in less than twenty four hours.

Three states account for the wide swings in Trump’s odds

The most cited source for election forecasts, RealClear Politics, lists six states at “Top Battlegrounds”: Florida, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Arizona, Michigan and Wisconsin. Biden leads in the average of polls in all but North Carolina, and is also narrowly ahead in a seventh often labeled a tossup, Georgia. PredictIt, however, gives a much more up-to-date picture of the prizes truly in play. Trump is now a big favorite to win Florida and Georgia, standing at 61% in both. The gamblers are pretty much counting him out in the upper-midwest; his odds in Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota are all between 21% and 24%.

So the end game centers on the Big Three, North Carolina, Arizona and Pennsylvania. It’s the oscillating odds in that triumvirate that account for the quicksilver shifts in Trump’s shot at victory. No state epitomizes the shifting currents better than North Carolina. From October 1 to 18, Biden enjoyed a big lead averaging almost 10 points. Then, Trump came back, gaining a tiny advantage on October 22. The lead changed hands three times in the next three days, but by October 30, it looked like Biden was back in charge to stay when his edge jumped to 56% to 46%. That descent probably helped sink Trump’s odds at the time, since he has no path to winning without taking the Tar Heel State. But in yet another twist, on Sunday afternoon Trump grabbed the lead once again, and on Monday, has held a consistent margin of around 55% to 45%. It’s that switch that’s kept Trump in the game. As of today, he’s a narrow favorite to repeat his 2016 win in North Carolina.

Still, the whipsawing odds there are greatly adding to the week-long surge in uncertainty. Another nail-biter is Arizona. It’s traditionally Republican territory that Trump took by 3.5 points in 2016. Yet on October 8, Trump’s chances stood sat just 32%, or one in three. Although he was climbing back, on the Friday before the election he was in a hole at 43%. At mid-afternoon on Monday, he’s at between 47% and 48%, but he’s still never reached 50%. So Biden is maintaining a minuscule edge in the Grand Canyon state, though his prospects now stand on a knife’e edge.

So Trump holds what looks like a small but durable advantage in North Carolina, and clings just below even odds in Arizona. The main reason he’s still such a long shot is the deficit in Pennsylvania. To be sure, Trump has rebounded strongly, doubtless aided by Biden’s gaffe on ending America’s oil and gas production, industries that account for one million jobs in the Keystone State. As recently as October 7, Trump was lagging 27% to 73%. He clawed back to 43% on October 27, fell to 38% over the next three days. By mid-afternoon on Monday, he’d reached 42%, but had made no progress over the previous 24 hours.

Trump’s problem: Little time, not great momentum

And that’s precisely Trump’s towering challenge. He needs to hold North Carolina, where he’s just over even-money to win, overcome a small deficit in Arizona, and climb back from a shortfall in the odds of 58% to 42% in Pennsylvania. He’s got good to pretty good chances in each state. But to win, he’s got to pull off not one, not two, but a near-miraculous trifecta.

It’s important to address a yawning divergence in the overall odds for nationwide, winner-take-all market on PredictIt, as well as the other betting sites, to those awarded by the Miller model. As noted, Miller’s methodology gives Trump a one-in-four chance of prevailing. But on PredictiIt, Trump’s line on Monday afternoon is 40% to 60%, or two-in-five to win, 15 points higher than Miller’s approximately 25%. So if Miller’s using the PredictiIt data, why is the probability his model puts on a Trump victory so much lower? “It’s that people who are betting on the nationwide winner-take-all poll are using their feelings about what will happen in the election,” he says. “But to understand the outcome in the electoral college, you have to model it. And that requires a computer.”

In fact, Miller is capitalizing on what he sees as a fun opportunity for arbitrage. He’s wagered $50 on the frontrunner, a bet that would return him around $75, or 50% on his bet. “When I can buy something for $60 that my model shows is worth $75 to $80, I’ll buy that ticket,” he says. Miller has brought rigorous science to a field where predictions are often based on trends from the past and outdated polls. The question is whether any model can be smart enough to capture what Trump will need, a sudden surge in momentum that could put him over the top. “The time for that to happen is so short,” says Miller. The Big M is on Trump’s side, but with only hours to go, it doesn’t look strong enough score the trifecta.

More must-read finance coverage from Fortune:

• Chobani and PayPal are paying workers more—and rethinking capitalism
• When it comes to climate change, says Mark Carney, this financial crisis is different—and maybe better
• Ray Dalio on why Chinese capitalism is on the rise—and why American capitalism is in desperate need of a fix
• Microsoft’s cloud could be a bit foggy for the next quarter
• Coinbase launches crypto debit card in U.S. with 1% Bitcoin reward

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com